Showing posts with label Ciaran Boyle Derry. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ciaran Boyle Derry. Show all posts

Wednesday, 31 May 2017

Brexit's Possible Impact on the Food Production Industry in the North of Ireland


Ciaran Boyle Derry Ireland


From the moment, the recent shock result of the EU referendum in the UK was announced, much has been written on subject. There is considerable concern in the business community in both the UK and the EU in regards to how Brexit will affect their operations. In March 2017, the British Prime Minster Teresa May, announced her plans to trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty.[1] This will initiate a two-year period of negotiations with the EU on a ‘divorce’ arrangement between the UK.[2] However, the UK will remain a member of the EU in the interim period, subject to all EU legislation and rules. With that said, as it currently stands we have no idea beyond the words of “Brexit means Brexit” to help us begin to determine the outcome of these negotiations.[3] The legal opinion provided in this essay will be targeted at European companies operating in the North of Ireland on the presumption of a ‘Hard Brexit’. This refers to the UK exiting the EU Single Market bringing an end to the free movement of goods, people, and services. The objective of this blog is to provide a non-qualified  legal opinion aimed at a specific set of clients regarding how a ‘Hard Brexit’ could affect their company’s business operations. 

This will encompass two key issues; which will be addressed chronologically.  Firstly, the impact of the UK exiting the European Single Market and its effects on our client’s ability to conduct business operations “as usual” will be examined. Secondly, the potential ramifications and threats to the rights of workers for our client’s employees will be scrutinised, this will include those employees who do not have UK citizenship. The non-qualified legal opinion will be provided by evaluating legislation, case law and other persuasive material and apply them potential impacts the withdrawal of the UK from the single market and the removal of the right to free movement.

Firstly, before we begin, it is important to outline the types of industries the bulk of our clients operate in. This is to fully understand the specific needs of our client’s. Currently, the North of Ireland as a part of the UK is in the EU Single Market. That means companies can generally sell their goods, and to a smaller extent services, throughout the EU without tariffs, quotas, or other restrictions.[4] A hard Brexit involves exiting this EU single market. European companies operating in the North of Ireland depend on the benefits of the UK’s current membership of the single market to survive and grow. A large proportion of our clients are involved in the food production industry. These companies rely heavily on their ability to move their products without tariffs and with relative ease into other EU member states. Importantly, this includes the Republic of Ireland in which the North of Ireland and the UK shares a land border. Another emerging difficulty for this sector arises from a Hard Brexit is their ability to employ staff from a large pool of workers from across the EU member states. 

The Northern Ireland Food and Drink Association has said that 60% of its workers in Northern Irish food factories are from outside the UK, mainly eastern Europe.[5] Any hindrance or restrictions on this ability to employ staff from eastern Europe or any measures that will force its current workforce to return to the EU post-Brexit could significantly impact on the food industry’s ability to survive. The chair of the Northern Ireland Food and Drink Association emphasised this point, "Any restrictions on access to labour could restrict our ability to stand still, never mind grow" and added it was "not unlikely" that businesses could relocate processing facilities across the Irish border where they would have "free access to labour".[6] These types of restrictions will also impact on other areas of trade. This essay will therefore focus on the European food production companies operating in the North of Ireland. The following paragraphs will examine in detail the potential legal consequences for our clients, that would emerge from a Hard Brexit scenario.
Image result for Brexit Ireland

Conducting business “as usual”

A Hard Brexit could have significant consequences for our client’s ability to operate business as usual across the EU. Therefore, there are many potential challenges for these companies which currently rely on various EU treaties to survive and expand across the European single market. One impact of a hard Brexit is that it will remove the ability to rely on provisions of the treaties which are crucial to the capability of moving goods or services with relative ease across the EU. A food production company, for example, relies heavily on its ability to move its products from the North of Ireland into the Republic of Ireland and the continent without tariffs, quotas, or other restrictions. Therefore, a key issue that needs to be addressed is the potential impacts of a Hard Brexit scenario in regards to our client’s ability to move goods and services.  The next two paragraphs will examine the law that surrounds this issue in more detail.   
The European Communities Act 1972 gives domestic direct effect to all EU law in the UK. This legislation paths the way for the achievement of the of the single market in domestic law. With that said, there are two principal techniques used to achieve this objective. Negative Integration involves the prohibition by the EU of national rules that hinder cross-border trade.[7] On the other hand, Positive Integration involves the use of EU directives to overcome barriers to trade by harmonising diverse national laws to allow trade to flow more freely.[8] The 1992 Treaty on the European Union[9] (TEU) provides for a key objective of the EU. “The Union shall establish an internal market” which importantly requires the abolition of barriers to trade between member states.[10] 

Furthermore, Article 26 of the 2007 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) defines the internal market as “an area without internal frontiers in which the free movement of goods, persons, services, and capital is ensured in accordance with the provisions of the treaty.”[11] These are described in the EU as the four freedoms. In the landmark Van Gend en Loos[12] case, it was established that provisions of the treaties can create legal rights which could be enforced by both natural and legal persons before the courts of a EU Member State. As already mentioned Article 26(2) of the TFEU[13] defines the internal market as an area without internal frontiers. As to the ruling in Van Gend en Loos[14]  these rights would be directly effective in the EU Member States. Therefore, the free movement of goods, persons, services, and capital can rely upon legal protection to move relatively easily within the single market area without quotas, or other restrictions. It is important to note, that once a goods has been imported into the EU from a third country and the appropriate customs duty paid, the TFEU[15] provides that the goods will be in ‘free circulation’ between the member states.[16] This means no further tariffs or taxes can be added.

It is important to note, that the European Court of Justice will interpret treaty provisions purposefully and give them wide definitions in line with the objectives of the treaties. Therefore, the EU courts will protect these rights laid out in the treaties. In Commission v Italy,[17] it was held that goods are ‘products which can be valued in money and which are capable as such, of forming the subject of commercial the subject of commercial transactions’. Importantly, Article 30 of the TFEU[18] prohibits member states from applying custom duties on imports and exports to other member states and prohibits all charges that have an equivalent effect to a customs duty. Article 110 of the TFEU[19] provides that “no Member State shall impose, directly or indirectly, on the products of other member states any internal taxation of any kind more than that imposed directly or indirectly on similar domestic products”.[20] 

With that said, in Commission v France tax was defined as “a general system of internal dues applied systematically to categories of product in accordance with objective criteria irrespective of the origin of the product”. Moreover, In Commission v Belgium and Luxemburg[21] a case involving a tax on the importation of gingerbread to compensate for a domestic tax on wheat. It was held that a ‘duty’ whatever it is called, and whatever its mode of application, may be considered having an equivalent effect to a customs duty. It is important to note that it was emphasised in the above ruling that ‘equivalent effect’ status is dependent on the ‘duty’ meeting a set out three-part criteria. Moreover, the Articles 34 and 35 of the TFEU[22] also prohibits the use of import and export quotas as a non-tariff barrier to the free movement of goods. Meaning the Member States cannot restrict the amount of goods entering or leaving their territory. However, Article 36 TFEU[23] provides for some exceptions to public morality, public policy, public security, and other grounds. It is clear from the above treaty provisions that attempts by a member state to sneakily thwart Article 28 of the TFEU[24] would be challenged in the courts.  Article 28 also provided for a common customs tariff for all member’s states in regards to third party states.[25] This heavily contributes to harmonisation of imports and exports in the single market area in terms of imports from third-party states. The next paragraph with evaluate the key issues facing our client’s ability to operate ‘business as usual’ if the above EU jurisprudence could not be relied upon in the aftermath of a hard Brexit.

When the above law is applied to the facts of a ‘Hard Brexit’ scenario consisting of the UK exiting the EU single market, potential consequences emerge for our clients. These companies will no longer be able to rely on the multitude of EU treaties provisions, regulations and case law that ensures their goods, services, personnel, and capital move from member state to member state smoothly. The British Prime Minister announced legislation to end the authority of EU law. The ‘Great Repeal’ Bill’ will be introduced in the next parliamentary session. The objective of the legislation will be to end the authority of EU law by converting all its provisions into UK law, on the day of exit from the EU. At the same time, the European Communities Act 1972 giving direct effect to all EU law will be repealed.[26] Therefore, if this bill comes to fruition, current EU laws will be transferred into UK law whilst the legislation that gives direct effect to EU treaties provisions, regulations and case law will be repealed. This will complete the ‘divorce’. A major consequence of this will be the elimination our client’s ability to directly rely upon EU jurisprudence in when conducting their operations from the North of Ireland. Moreover, the EU could possibly impose tariffs on goods entering the single market from the UK. This could include quotas and other restrictions that the provisions of the treaties currently protect them against. In the run-up to the referendum, several options were sounded. It is currently not clear what model of relationship the UK will pursue in their negotiation strategy. Moreover, as it stands, the public are left to speculate on what model the UK will seek and whether this could be achieved in a two-year period through the Article 50 process.[27] However, only two options are possible in a Hard Brexit Scenario. The negotiation of a Free Trade Agreement and World Trade Organisation membership. The former appears to be a highly unlikely outcome.[28] The later would involve tariffs and other barriers to trade that would be imposed on goods and services traded between the UK and the EU.[29] Therefore, it can be easily concluded that the UK leaving the EU single market and the removal of the direct effect of EU law could have a massive impact on our client’s ability to carry-out business operations ‘as usual’.

Ramifications for Employees

As already mentioned earlier our clients rely heavily on their ability to employ staff from the EU. This is illustrated in the claim that sixty percent of the workforce in the North of Ireland’s food and drink industries is obtained from Eastern European workers. Currently, these workers can move between member states. They can choose to reside and work with relevant ease. Therefore, a key issue for our clients and their employees is the capacity to maintain this flow of European workers in a ‘Hard Brexit’ scenario. Another issue emerges surrounding our client’s ability to travel into the EU to carry out business if the laws that protects their right to free movement are revoked when the UK leaves the EU. The next paragraph will outline the law that facilitates the free movement of workers between member states so that the legal ramifications of a ‘Hard Brexit’ can be evaluated.

The TFEU 2007 currently provides for the right of free movement of workers between the UK and other EU Member states.[30] It also states that “such freedom of movement shall entail the abolition of any discrimination based on nationality between workers of the Member States as regards employment, remuneration and other conditions of work and employment.” It is important to note that the above freedoms or safeguards have horizontal effect meaning that direct effects against public bodies, is further extended to include private bodies.[31] Article 18 further cements this right “Within the scope of application of this Treaty, and without prejudice to any special provisions contained therein, any discrimination on grounds of nationality shall be prohibited.”[32] This means that an employee from another EU Member State can rely on these rights when they face discrimination when seeking employment in the EU.

However, there are a few limitations to this rule that are justified on grounds of public policy, public security, or public health.[33] Further rights are protected by the Citizens Rights Directive[34] which has been implemented in the UK.[35] The directive gives EU and EEA citizens the right of free movement and residence across the European Economic Area, provided they are not an undue burden on the resident country and have comprehensive health insurance.[36] Controversially, this right also extends to close family members that are not EEA citizens. After five years, the right of residence becomes permanent, which means residency will no longer not depend on preconditions. Moreover, EU regulation provides that citizens residing in other member states will “enjoy the same social and tax advantages as national workers”.[37] 

This is demonstrated in O` Flynn v. Adjudication Office[38] were a grant provided to UK nationals that assisted funeral cost was extended to an Irish EU non-national. It is important to note that Under Article 20 of the TFEU, EU citizenships are conferred additional to national citizenships on every person who is a national of an EU member state.[39] This includes the right to move freely and reside within the territory of the Member States.[40] Moreover, the European Court of Justice is increasingly viewing cases in this area of EU law as a ‘citizen’ issue rather than an issue of ‘worker’s rights’. With that said, it is important to highlight EU anti-discrimination law which is an expanding area of EU law.[41] This includes treaty provisions that allow the EU to take action to tackle discrimination in regards to sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation.[42] Special emphasis has been placed on the goal of ensuring equal pay between men and woman within the EU.[43]

When the law above is applied to the impending removal of the right to free movement in a ‘Hard Brexit’ scenario ramifications begin to emerge for our client’s employees. Especially, those who do not have UK citizenship. In regards to those who do they will lose their rights as EU citizens and those rights provided by the treaties. There is no doubt this will affect their ability to work and rely on protections in the EU if our clients have other bases across the EU. Moreover, their ability to use the vertical or horizontal effects of treaty provisions, regulations and directives in the Court of Justice would cease. This would also include their ability to rely upon anti-discrimination law. However, for those who are not UK citizens and work and reside in the North of Ireland, the impact is more severe. Their right to free movement between the UK and their home member state would be revoked with the UK leaving the European Economic Area. Similarly, their rights to “enjoy the same social and tax advantages as national workers”[44] would no longer be protected by the treaties. Therefore, rights to benefits and grants such as in the O` Flynn v. Adjudication Office[45] would cease to exist post Hard Brexit. As the Court of Justice would no longer have authority in a post Hard Brexit UK they would not be able to rely on EU treaty provisions that currently protect their rights. As it currently stands The UK government has declined to give firm assurances regarding the status of EU nationals currently living in the UK.[46] Therefore, it would possible to provide the opinion that a Hard Brexit scenario could have some serious ramifications for our client’s staff.




In conclusion, there is no doubt that the European companies we are advising are at high risk of being extensively impacted by legal changes if a Hard Brexit is the outcome of impending negotiations between the UK and EU. This blog demonstrated through the evaluation of current laws against a Hard Brexit scenario, that our client’s ability to move their goods freely and with little inference will be significantly damaged if the UK leaves the Single Market. Extra tariffs or taxes that have an equivalent effect could affect our client’s ability to compete with the EU. Moreover, quotas and other restrictive measures would further add to our client’s woes if the EU applies such measures. UK to UK trade will be at lower risk suffering as an effect to changes. In regards to the removal of the right to freedom of movement the impacts could also be extensive. The removal of their EU Citizenship would have a serious impact on their rights to be protected by the EU Court of Justice.  With that said, those who failed to obtain UK citizenship will face similar challenges as their right to reside in the UK is under threat. Therefore, these employees are potentially at a greater risk. What rights this group of employees could have is currently up in the air as no official definition of what ‘Brexit means Brexit’ currently exists. With that said, the challenges of the impact of Brexit whether it be ‘Hard or Soft’ will no doubt have a wider impact on society in both the EU and the UK. The consequences of EU negotiating its divorce with the UK with soft hands could possibly lead to the downfall of the EU. Other member states that are currently impacted by the rising of the euro scepticism could convince their citizens that exciting the EU has more positives than negatives. For that reason, it would not be beyond reason to speculate that a Hard Brexit is the most likely outcome of the negotiations as the EU could seek to make an example of those who dare to leave.


Ciaran Boyle Derry


Produced in November 2016



[1] Treaty on European Union (2007) Article 50
[2] Ibid
[3] Mark Mardell, 'What Does 'Brexit Means Brexit' Mean? - BBC News' (BBC News, 2016) <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-36782922> accessed 3 December 2016.
[4] Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union 2007 Article 26(2)
[5] John Campbell, 'Brexit: NI Food Firms Express Concern at Impact of Immigration Clampdown - BBC News' (BBC News, 2016) <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-37680680> accessed 30 November 2016.
[6] Ibid BBC
[7] P. P Craig and G De Búrca, EU Law (Oxford University Press 2011). 582
[8] Ibid
[9] Treaty on European Union 1992 Article 3(3)
[10] Ibid
[11] Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union 2007 Article 26(2)
[12] Van Gend en Loos v Nederlandse Administratie der Belastingen (1963) Case 26/62
[13] Ibid (n 4)
[14] Ibid (n 5)
[15] Ibid (n 11) Article 29
[16] Ibid
[17] (1968) Case 7/68
[18] Ibid (n 11) Article 30
[19] Ibid (n 11) Article 110
[20] Ibid
[21] (1962) Cases 2 and 3/62
[22] Ibid (n 11) Article 34 and 35
[23] Ibid Article 36
[24] Ibid (n 9) Article 28
[25] Ibid
[26] Rowena Mason, 'Theresa May's 'Great Repeal Bill': What's Going to Happen and When?' (The Guardian, 2016) <https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/oct/02/theresa-may-great-repeal-bill-eu-british-law> accessed 30 November 2016.
[27]Simon Witty, 'The Legal Consequences of Brexit' (Corpgov.law.harvard.edu, 2016) <https://corpgov.law.harvard.edu/2016/06/27/the-legal-consequences-of-brexit/> accessed 5 December 2016.
[28] Fredrik Erixon, 'The Canada-EU Trade Deal Is No Model for Brexit - Capx' (CapX, 2016) <https://capx.co/the-canada-eu-trade-deal-is-no-model-for-brexit/> accessed 5 December 2016.
[29] Ibid (n 24)
[30] Ibid (n 11) Article 45
[31] Angonese v Cassa di Risparmio di Bolzano SpA (1998) C-281/98
[32] Ibid (n 11) Article 18
[33] Ibid (n 11) Article 45(3)
[34] Directive 2004/38/EC
[35] Statutory Instrument 2006 No. 1003 - The Immigration (European Economic Area) Regulations 2006
[36]Directive 2004/38/EC Article 7(1)
[37] Regulation 492/2011, Article 7(2)
[38] (1994) C-237/94
[39] Ibid (n 11) Article 20(1)
[40] Ibid (n 11) Article 20(3)b
[41] Ibid (n 11) Article 19
[42] Ibid
[43] Ibid (n 11) Article 157
[44]Regulation 492/2011, Article 7(2)
[45] Ibid (n 38)
[46] Alex Hunt and Brian Wheeler, 'Brexit: All You Need To Know About The UK Leaving The EU - BBC News' (BBC News, 2016) <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-32810887> accessed 7 December 2016.



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Are morals the fabric of a society? If so, can the government use them to legitimise policy.

The ongoing debate surrounding morals and their role in the foundations and the functioning our current legal systems is a debate that is at the core of many prevalent issues across the political spectrum. For instance, here in the North of Ireland questions such as should homosexuals be permitted to legally marry or should woman have the right to choose to abort a pregnancy are prevalent moral issues that are routinely presented for debate in both political and legal arenas. The place and function of morals within our legal systems has always been a key topical debate amongst political philosophisers. According to Raymond Wacks this is without doubt the fundamental question that stimulates debates in contemporary jurisprudence.[1] On one side of this debate is legal positivists who argue for a kind of conceptual partition between law and morals. However, opposing this view are others that include natural lawyers who reject to different degrees the idea of separating law and morals.[2] This essay will utilise this debate to question morals as the ‘fabric of society’ and question if governments obtain legitimacy to legislate from the prevalent morals within society. It will begin by examining the classic position of both sides of the naturalist v positivist debate individually, before moving on to analyse some of the key contemporary philosophical debates. Other sub issues will also be discussed as they arise and we begin we with natural law.
Natural Law
There is much debate on the definition of natural law and how best to describe it. Historically, from its classical origins of Plato and Aristotle natural law relates to the use of reason to analyse human nature to conclude binding rules of moral behaviour.  In this sense, the law of nature, determined by nature of man, is a universal concept.[3] Therefore, the use of reasoning by man provides limitations and restrictions on human behaviour which defines what is moral and what is not. For example, when reasoning is applied to the killing of another human being on grounds of race it is found to be immoral. This finding binds the rule which prohibits killing on the grounds of race.  In the thirteenth century, St Thomas Aquinas connected natural law to God, maintaining that reasoning is merely one element of divine providence. However, Alf Ross maintains that “like a harlot, natural law is at the disposal of everyone”[4]
With that said, one modern natural lawyer attempts to simplify the description by explaining that natural law ‘provides a name for the point of intersection between law and morals’[5]  This juncture is the point where what the law currently ‘is’ collides with what the law ‘ought’ to be. Natural lawyers attempt to resolve this tension by claiming that what the law naturally is, ought to be. Therefore, if we apply the earlier example of killing on grounds of race, any current law that permits the killing of another human being, ought to be changed to the natural moral position of prohibition as extracted from the use reasoning. It is clear from the natural law position that morals are an important element of society and that they legitimatise the promulgation of laws that fall in line from what the use reasoning determines what the law ought to be. The next paragraph will focus on theory that opposes the natural law position as we turn to legal positivism.


Legal Positivism
Classic legal positivism is based on general view that the only ‘genuine knowledge’ is scientific knowledge. This knowledge emerges from the positive confirmation of theory by applying tried and tested scientific methods to draw conclusions.[6] Therefore, legal positivism is very much focused on the what ‘is’ in terms of the law and not what it ‘ought’ to be. It is less interested the subjective nature of morality that differs from person to person and is fixated on what can be confirmed. For example, a law can be confirmed by simply checking the legislation online or in a statute book. Moreover, as an example of one positivist theory, the ‘command theory’ determines laws as general commands dispensed by a sovereign to members of society, and backed up by credible threats of punishment and other adverse consequences or sanctions in the event of non-compliance.[7]
This is the theory John Austin’s a disciple of Jeromy Bentham. Both Bentham and Austin regarded sovereignty as crucial concept of their theories. They regarded sovereignty as a ‘social fact’ of the habit of obedience. Austin defines sovereignty as “[i]f a determinate human superior, not in the habit of obedience to a like superior, receives habitual obedience from the bulk of a given society, that determinate superior is sovereign in that society.”[8] Therefore, this classical definition of legal positivism based on the command theory illustrates the focus of legal positivism on what the law ‘is’ by highlighting its source in the sovereign power who controls what the law is it at that time. Moreover, classic positivism emphases laws as the commands of human beings with no necessary connection between law and morality.

Legislation and Morality
It is clear, from the natural law position of morals being derived from human reasoning that there is an impending clash with the more scientific positivist position. This very Natural v Positivist debate arose in the aftermath of World War Two surrounding the legitimacy of ‘immoral laws’ of Nazi Germany in the Hart-Fuller debate. The debate surrounded the decision of a West German court in the aftermath of the war and gives a contemporary insight into both natural and positivist positions.[9] A wife of a Nazi solider wanted to get rid of her husband. She decided that it was a good idea to report him to the Gestapo for making insulting remarks about Hitler’s war effort. He was convicted and sentenced to death, this sentence was then reduced to serving on the eastern front. Her defence was that she had simply reported him for committing an offence under Nazi Statute of 1934. Nevertheless, she was convicted as the court held that the statute which her husband had been punished under, offended the ‘sound conscience and sense of justice of all decent human beings’[10] The decision of the court was clearly a moral one and relied upon what the law ‘ought’ to be. The next paragraph will focus on the modern naturalist approach of Lon L Fuller regarding the above case.
Hart – Fuller Debate
Lon L Fuller is associated with his modern and secular natural law position that law has an ‘inner morality’ and his view that a legal system is the purposive ‘enterprise of subjecting human conduct to the governance of rules’[11]  Fuller does not suggest a higher natural source of law exists, he focuses on a procedural approach to natural law. He points to eight ‘desiderata’ or ‘eight kinds of excellence toward a system of excellence may strive’[12] The eight desiderata are Generality, Promulgation, Non-retroactivity, Clarity, Non-Contradiction, Possibility of Compliance and Constancy and the Congruence between declared rule and official action.[13] Together, he contends, they guarantee that all law will embody certain moral standards of respect, fairness, and predictability that constitute vital aspects of the rule of law.[14] Therefore, if a legal system is conflicting with one of these principles or fails significantly with several, it could be said that law did not exist in that given society and what existed was in fact nothing but state coercion.[15] Fullers position on the aforementioned case regarding the wife’s conviction is that the Nazi ‘law’ diverged so far from morality, it failed to qualify as law and supported the court’s decision in convicting the wife on grounds of morality.[16] However, it is important to note that the fulfilment of Fuller’s eight principles is no guarantee of a just and moral society. Law’s that are introduced and acted upon in times of constitutional upheaval often meet these eight principles, however, they can be clearly immoral. This was the case in 1972 when the mass internment of anyone remotely suspected of IRA membership were interned without trial for long periods of time under the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act (Northern Ireland) 1922. It easy to criticise Fuller for focusing heavily on procedure of creating law and neglecting to emphasis the actual content.
HLA Hart is regarded as one of the founding fathers of modern legal positivism alongside Hans Kelson an advocate of the ‘higher norm’ theory.  Hart produced an essay titled ‘Positivism and the Separation of Laws and Morals.’ Hart is less concerned with who promulgated the law and is more focused on the way it was promulgated.[17] Therefore, Hart’s position is a break from the ‘command theory’ of John Austin. Hart draws a distinction between primary and secondary legal rules. He states that primary rules govern, areas such as criminal law that is conferred directly on the citizens and secondary rules that governs the operation of the rule making system and procedures itself. Hart enumerates three secondary rules; they are: The Rule of Change, the rule were current primary rules might be created, modified, or removed. The Rule of Adjudication, the rule whereby the society may determine when a rule has been broken and prescribe a remedy. And finally, the Rule of Recognition were a criterion is set to determine which rule are part of a legal system and which rules are not.[18] The rule of recognition is a basic tenant of legal positivism and points to how valid rules are created.[19] For example, valid laws are generally created in the UK by being passed by a majority in both houses of parliament. The legislation is then easily recognised as valid law by both officials and the public at large.
Minimum Content of Natural Law
Another key area were Hart breaks from the classic positivist position is that he suggests that a ‘minimal content of natural law is needed for communities to survive. He bases this on the consequences of ‘human conditions’ such as human selfishness, the need for food, clothes, and shelter, which are limited and the fact that humans cannot be relied upon to cooperate with each other.[20] It is important to note, that Hart is not suggesting that law is derived from morals that he is simply stating that a minimal amount is needed to act as counter to what he describes as ‘human conditions’. So where does Hart’s theory fit into the aforementioned case surrounding the soldiers’ nasty wife? Controversially, Hart disagreed with the courts judgement and argued that the Nazi law in question was valid as it met the requirements of the rules of recognition.[21] With that said, both Hart and Fuller agreed that they favoured the use of retrospective legislation which would have led to the wife’s prosecution.  Therefore, overall it could be said, that morals play a role in the fabric of society with Hart and Fuller disagreeing on the degree of moral thread woven into it.
Hart-Devlin Debate
If we accept that morals to a range of differing degrees are interwoven into the fabric of society the question arises of can a government legislate in line with morals that are clearly live and prevalent? To address this question focus will be given to the Hart-Devlin debate that discussed a 1957 report into the legality of homosexual activity and prostitution.[22] In 1957 homosexual activity was viewed as contrary to the prevalent of morals of society. However, Sir John Wolfenden concluded in his report that “unless a deliberate attempt be made by society acting through the agency of the law to equate the sphere of crime with that of sin, there must remain a realm of private morality that is in brief and crude terms, not the law’s business.”[23] The report was heavily influenced by the writings of John Stuart Mill who maintained that “[t]he only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.”[24] The heart of the debate is the legitimacy of homosexual activity and prostitution as acts that cause no harm to others and whether governments should move to legislate against it in line with current prevalent morals. Lord Devlin disagreed with Wolfenden’s conclusion arguing that society has every right to punish conduct that the ordinary member of society classed as grossly immoral. Moreover, he contended that the harm is irrelevant and the ‘fabric of society’ is maintained by a shared morality.[25] If such acts such as homosexual activity and prostitution are left unchecked, even in private, social cohesion is undermined even though no one else is harmed. Moreover, Devlin was insistent that societies disintegrate from within and often from external factors.[26] It must be noted that Devlin concedes that only acts that cause intolerance, indignation and disgust warranted punishment.[27] Therefore, his theory was limited to acts that reached the criteria of revulsion and anger.
On the other hand, Hart attacks the fundamental element of Delvin’s theory, social cohesion. Pointing to the fact that multicultural societies do not require a shared view of morality to survive.[28] Importantly, Hart makes a significant point, that morality is a highly subjective matter. If one was to look at modern day Britain the idea of what is morally correct would differ from community to community. Conversely, Hart does however, point to situations where the law should take on a paternalistic role in restricting individuals from harming themselves. He points situations such the removal of consent as a defence to murder or the legal enforcement of the wearing of a seatbelt. He also draws a crucial distinction between public displays and offence that is caused simply through the knowledge of it. For example, the punishment of polygamy could be justified as it is a public act would offend the catholic church. Whereas, immoral sexual acts carried out in private that offended on knowledge alone could not be punished.[29] The courts are of the view that punishment for such ‘immoral acts’ are best left to legislation.[30]
In conclusion, this essay examined morals as the ‘fabric of society’ through the debates of Hart, Devlin and Fuller and questioned the degree to which the ‘moral thread’ is woven into the fabric of modern society. It is clear from the Hart-Fuller debate that both theories agree that morals have a role to play but differ in specific role that morals play and their significance. Later, Fuller pointed to his eight point criteria that attempted to insure the validity and morality of legal rules. However, it was not without its holes as we discovered that it was possible for immoral laws to meet all eight of the specified criteria. However,  Hart on the other hand focused on Primary and Secondary rules with the latter focusing on how the primary rules are made, modified, and revoked. It is critical to point out the fact that Hart conceded to the need for a ‘minimum content’ of natural law and there is no doubt that this was influence by the flaw of classic positivism that played out during the Nazi era. The Hart-Devlin debate brought to bear the level of immorality needed for legislation to restrain such behaviour. Devlin conceded that only acts that caused intolerance, indignation and disgust warranted punishment whilst Hart focused on the public and private aspects of the debate. Overall, it would be reasonable on basis of the earlier debate, to conclude, that morals are to a lesser degree a fabric of society and play a minimal role in the legitimising of legislation.
Ciaran Boyle
Derry
[1] Raymond Wacks, Understanding Jurisprudence (3rd edn, Oxford 2012). 10
[2] Ibid
[3]  Leo Strauss, Natural Law (Macmillin 1988)
[4] Alf Ross, On Law and Justice (Stevens and Sons 1958) 261
[5] Passerin D’ Entreves, Natural Law (Hutchinson 1970) 116
[6] Ibid (n 1)
[7] John Austin, The Province of Jurisprudence Determined. (1995 Cambridge University Press)
[8] Ibid
[9] HLA Hart, ‘Positivism and the Separation of Law and Morals’ (1959) 71 Harvard Law Review
[10] Ibid (n 9)
[11] Raymond Wacks, Understanding Jurisprudence (3rd edn, Oxford 2012) 33
[12] Lon Fuller, ‘The Morality of Law’ (1969) 39 Yale University Press
[13] Lon Fuller, ‘The Morality of Law’ (1969) 39 Yale University Press
[14] Ibid
[15] Ibid (n 1) 34
[16] Ibid
[17] Ibid
[18] HLA Hart, The Concept of Law (Oxford Clarendon Press 1994)
[19] Brian Bix, Jurisprudence: Theory and Context (Sweet and Maxwell 2015) 37
[20] Ibid (n 18)
[21] Ibid (n 9)
[22] Wolfenden, J (chair) The Report of the Committee on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution (CMND 247) HMSO, 1958
[23] Ibid
[24] John Stuart Mills, On Liberty (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books 1974) 72-3
[25] Patrick Devlin, The Enforcement of Morals (Oxford University Press 1965) 14
[26]Ibid (n 1) 36
[27] Ibid
[28] Ibid
[29] Ibid
[30] Shaw v Director of Public Prosecutions [1962] AC 220 at 267
[21] Ibid (n 9)
[22] Wolfenden, J (chair) The Report of the Committee on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution (CMND 247) HMSO, 1958
[23] Ibid
[24] John Stuart Mills, On Liberty (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books 1974) 72-3
[25] Patrick Devlin, The Enforcement of Morals (Oxford University Press 1965) 14
[26]Ibid (n 1) 36
[27] Ibid
[28] Ibid
[29] Ibid
[30] Shaw v Director of Public Prosecutions [1962] AC 220 at 267

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